![]() In the same year, the epaulets' color of cavalry NCOs officially changed from blue to white. Both units amalgamated in 1792 with the Legion of the United States, including artillery and dragoons (the first federal mounted force since the discharge of the Continental Light Dragoons in 1783), that then transformed into the US Army in 1796.įrom 1787, SNCOs wore silk epaulets, sergeants two worsted and corporals one worsted. In 1791, the Second Regiment of Infantry was raised and organized as the First Regiment. ![]() In October 1786 by approval of Congress, this force should expand to a Legionary Corps of additional infantry, rifle troops, artillery, and dragoons. In August 1784, the 700 men strong First American Regiment (including two companies of artillery) was organized as kind of an army substitute. ![]() For a few weeks, only 55 artillerymen at West Point and 25 men at Fort Pitt were to remain. In practice it seems the prescribed blue epaulettes for cavalry NCO never came in wide use while the wearing of white epaulettes prevailed.īy 1783/84, the Continental Army was discharged. The color was white (infantry), yellow (artillery), or blue (cavalry). In 1779, sergeants were authorized two silk epaulets, corporals one worsted to wear on the right shoulder. ![]() From May 1778, the newly created ranks of SNCOs (i.e., sergeants major, quartermaster sergeants, drum majors, and fife majors) wore a red epaulette on each shoulder. The results of this study can facilitate an understanding of how hegemonic military masculinity, medical regulatory policies, and relational and individual processes within the military interact to shape experiences of injury for military and veteran men.See also: Continental Army § Rank insigniaįrom the creation of the United States Army to 1821, non-commissioned officer (NCO) and staff non-commissioned officer (SNCO) rank was distinguished by the wearing of usually worsted epaulets.įrom 1775 to 1779, sergeants and corporals wore one epaulet on the right shoulder, corporals of green color, sergeants of red color. The analysis of veteran men’s first-hand narratives speaks to the importance of understanding military/veteran PTSD diagnoses within the gendered social ecology of military life. By recasting them as injured patients, male soldiers are separated from accepted demonstrations of masculine agency in re-establishing themselves as worthy members of the military institution. We argue that applying a medical diagnosis of PTSD ignores the social ecology of military life and further erodes treasured masculinized identities among distressed service members. Three themes emerged from a focus group with medically released Canadian veteran men: (a) PTSD as a medically decided injury among male soldiers reporting mental distress is experienced as more than an individual or medical problem, but as a social problem-a form of “breaking ranks” with fellow soldiers (b) the PTSD diagnosis creates intrapersonal and interpersonal dilemmas for medically released veterans that are directly a result of hegemonic military masculinity norms and (c) veteran efforts to restore accepted masculinity, including resistance to a PTSD label, underpin their relationships with veteran peers and family members. This paper examines posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) among veterans through the lens of hegemonic military masculinity (e.g., emotional toughness, strength, courage) as the overarching social ecology of military life in which mental distress is experienced by service members.
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